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A
Tracing its diverse meanings and practices across history and political movements, rather than a single notion, autonomy emerges as plural — encompassing struggles that challenge capitalism, industrialism, western modernity, and patriarchy. Distinguishing autonomy from individualist libertarianism and state-centric socialism, this entry focuses on autonomic movements that prioritize collective self-governance and radical democracy. Drawing from Indigenous, feminist, and anti-capitalist struggles, these movements go beyond formal democracy, seeking to dismantle the state while constructing grassroots power based on the principles of Mandar Obedeciendo. Autonomy also challenges economic society’s premise of scarcity, replacing it with sufficiency, and disassociates from western modernity’s values, embracing pluralism and relational understandings of personhood. Feminist autonomies center care, dignity, and life itself. Highlighting examples such as the Zapatistas and Mexico’s National Indigenous Congress, the essay presents autonomy as a global, ongoing process of reimagining social, political, and economic life from the ground up. +
B
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Buen Vivir is a concept rooted in the worldviews of the indigenous peoples of Abya-Yala, which proposes a way of life based on harmony, balance, and relationality between people, communities, other living beings, and nature, prioritizing the reproduction of life over the accumulation of capital. It is not a single model, but a plurality of "good coexistences" that integrate reciprocity, complementarity, and solidarity, inspired by diverse global community traditions (such as ubuntu, swaraj, or conviviality). Faced with the crisis of "progress" and "development," it proposes post-developmentalist alternatives that decolonize knowledge, reject extractivism, and build supportive, diverse, and sustainable societies from within communities. It involves rethinking the economy, politics, and culture in community terms, with an ethic of sufficiency, recognizing that transitions must be brought about from below in order to open up a civilizational horizon beyond capitalism. +
D
Democratic confederalism, as articulated by Abdullah Öcalan, is a non-state, grassroots model of self-government that organizes society through locally anchored assemblies, councils, and federations rather than a centralized nation-state. It understands democracy as collective consensus and voluntary participation, not bureaucratic administration, and is explicitly flexible, multicultural, anti-monopolistic, and anti-nationalist. Power flows upward only for coordination, with decision-making rooted in communities; ecology and women’s freedom are foundational pillars, and an alternative, needs-oriented economy replaces extractive accumulation. Confederalism treats society as ethically and politically capable of governing itself, embraces plural identities across existing borders, and defends itself through social and, where necessary, material self-defense under civilian control. It can coexist peacefully with states so long as they do not interfere in core self-administration, but it aims, over time, to render the homogenizing, coercive logic of capitalist nation-states obsolete by proving superior problem-solving capacity from the local to the global scale. +
E
Eco-territorial internationalism is a concept and a praxis that emerges from the convergence of social, ecological, and territorial struggles across borders. It articulates experiences of resistance and transformation—such as democratic energy, agroecology, food sovereignty, workers’ control, and housing justice— by connecting local roots to a global horizon of systemic change. These are not isolated or merely “local” efforts; they embody a global sense of place and foster transnational solidarities grounded in justice, autonomy, and care. In the face of green colonialism, ecological imperialism, and systemic polycrises, this new internationalism reclaims the radical legacies of anti-imperialism while expanding the political imagination toward just transitions and ecological expressions of sovereignty. It challenges the dominant models of extractivist development and resists greenwashed capitalist transitions that reproduce sacrifice zones, particularly in the Global South. Eco-territorial internationalism does not abandon the state but goes beyond statist approaches, promoting multiscalar articulations and a biocentric politics of scale—from the body, to rivers and ecosystems. It is already in motion, through networks that articulate grassroots movements and resistances confronting the root causes of the crisis and shaping pluriversal futures. +
La palabra eutopía proviene del griego eu (bueno) y topos (lugar), y significa literalmente “el buen lugar”. A diferencia de la utopía (ou-topos, “no lugar”), que remite a una promesa futura e inexistente, la eutopía alude a lugares reales, ya existentes, donde se prefiguran formas de vida alternativas al orden dominante. En esta entrada, inspirada en el pensamiento de Jean Robert, se desarrolla la eutopía como una experiencia encarnada de ruptura con la modernidad capitalista, visible en prácticas autónomas, vernáculas y comunitarias que resisten la guerra contra la subsistencia, la desmesura tecnológica y el vaciamiento del lugar por el espacio abstracto. Retomando conceptos como la contraproductividad, el pensar con los pies y la crítica a los monopolios radicales —en diálogo con Ivan Illich—, se afirma que la eutopía no es un plan o una meta, sino un compromiso cotidiano con formas de habitar que sostienen la vida desde el arraigo, la reciprocidad y la proporción. Lejos de ofrecer un futuro ideal, la eutopía invita a redescubrir los fragmentos del mundo bueno que aún persisten en medio del colapso de la modernidad. +
J
Jineolojî, meaning “science of women” in Kurdish, is a revolutionary approach to knowledge production that places women’s liberation at the heart of building a free, ecological, and communal society. Emerging from over four decades of the Kurdish women’s freedom struggle and introduced by Abdullah Öcalan in 2008, it challenges patriarchal, positivist, and Eurocentric scientific traditions, redefining womanhood as a social, political, and historical identity beyond biological determinism and emphasizing the reconnection of women, society, nature, and life. Drawing on the Kurdish Women’s Movement, ancient communal traditions, and global histories of women’s resistance, Jineolojî seeks to rewrite history from women’s perspectives, collect and share women’s wisdom, and serve as a guiding science for a women’s revolution that transforms gender relations and fosters communal living. In practice, it operates through grassroots education, research, and organizing—linking local working groups, municipal policies, and autonomous women’s structures in Kurdistan and beyond—using methods such as popular education, historical research, cultural revival, and political participation. Since 2015, it has grown into a network of academies, research centers, publications, and public programs, confronting state repression, militarized occupation, and the co-optation of feminist theory, while insisting on structural transformation over integration into exploitative systems. In a world marked by patriarchal violence, authoritarianism, and ecological crisis, Jineolojî offers both a methodology and a political horizon for liberation, communal life, and democratic ecology. +
K
In a time of climate crisis and ecological collapse, kaitiakitanga — an Indigenous ethic of care rooted in whakapapa (the genealogical ties linking all beings back to a shared origin), reciprocity, and intergenerational responsibility– offers a way forward. More than “guardianship,” it is a living practice that binds people, lands, waters, and skies in mutual obligation. Written together by mana whenua (peoples whose whakapapa binds them to this land as its first guardians, carrying inherited responsibilities to protect its mauri. ) and tangata Tiriti(those peoples who journeyed here under the promise of Te Tiriti, invited into relationship, sharing in the duty of kaitiakitanga alongside mana whenua), this piece weaves origin, practice, challenge, and possibility: from iwi-led restoration projects to the tensions of commodification, tokenism, and extractive economies. We explore how kaitiakitanga, grounded in Te Tiriti o Waitangi and Māori authority, can be honoured in policy, education, and daily life — in Aotearoa and across the pluriverse. At its heart lies a simple truth: “kia tupu, kia hua, kia puaawai te whenua, ka ora te tangata” — when the land is well, the people will flourish. +
Kotahitanga is the heartbeat of collective life in te ao Māori—unity woven not from sameness, but from the strength of many threads moving as one. Rooted in whakapapa –the genealogical ties linking all beings back to a shared origin–, it binds people, whenua, waters, ancestors, and the unseen in a web of reciprocity and care. From Tāwhaki’s sacred ascent, sustained by ancestral guidance, to the Tainui waka’s ocean crossing, kotahitanga has guided survival, resistance, and renewal. It lives in the Kīngitanga’s call to stand together, in Dame Whina Cooper’s 1975 Land March, and in the 300,000 voices who opposed the 2024 attempt to weaken Te Tiriti o Waitangi. +
L
Since emerging on social media in 2018, Land Back has grown to become a robust concept embedded in North American Indigenous people’s political organizing. Although relatively ‘new’, the concept has its origins in a long history against settler colonialism in North America. At its core, the idea, bolstered by its use in Indigenous cultural and scholarly productions, aims to restore material gains into Indigenous hands—whether that be territory, money, authority, or several other sites of restitution. Land Back can be mobilized in many ways, including reoccupation of lands, asserting Indigenous law, or returning stolen goods. The way Land Back manifests in terms of direct action organizing continues to evolve and grow in popularity.
While Land Back has many promising elements to it—including its democratic and accessible use—there are growing concerns that non-Indigenous people and settler state actors may take up the term Land Back in ways that diminish its original intent and salience. Still, Land Back continues to serve as a prominent political framework for many Indigenous people and breathes new life into an age-old belief: Indigenous people have a right to their territory and a right to conduct life on those territories in ways they see fit—whether or not non-Indigenous people agree. +
M
Respecting the autonomy of all creatures within the network of territories of life, the Indigenous Taiwan movement strives for nature sovereignty over state sovereignty. In cultivating tribal activists, we emphasize both the formative experiences rooted in Indigenous knowledge systems—grounded in the rhythmic cycles of ecological systems within our interspecies habitats—and the ongoing restoration work in tribal communities recovering from devastating natural disturbances. From the history of colonial conflicts and oppression, we have learned the urgency of pursuing reconciliation between people and nature, and of healing the traumas borne by all. We therefore propose an inclusive process of nation-building—for all ethnic groups, all creatures, and all beings—that enacts the sovereignty of Nature on Earth and safeguards the trinity of linguistic, cultural, and biological diversity. +
R
Eco-swaraj, or Radical Ecological Democracy (RED), is a community-centered framework for just and sustainable well-being that challenges state- and corporate-dominated models. Rooted in grassroots initiatives in India yet resonating worldwide, RED integrates ecological resilience, equity, radical democracy, economic self-reliance, and cultural plurality. It emphasizes commons, sufficiency, diversity, and non-violence, while rejecting top-down ideologies in favor of evolving, participatory praxis. Examples range from Indigenous self-determination in India to the Kurdish Rojava movement, Zapatistas in Mexico, and the Amadiba in South Africa. Through processes like Vikalp Sangam and the Global Tapestry of Alternatives, RED fosters pluriversal pathways of autonomy and ecological democracy. +
Relationality is a concept, practice, ethics, and politics that challenges the dominant modern ontology of separation underpinning capitalism, colonialism, and state power. Rooted in Indigenous cosmovisions and expanded by activist and scholarly debates, relationality posits radical interdependence among humans, non-humans, and earth-beings as the foundation of reality. +
S
Sociocracy employs a range of structured processes—such as rounds for discussion, consent decision-making, role selection, proposal co-creation, and feedback loops—to foster focus, transparency, and collective ownership. It is widely applied in worker cooperatives, intentional communities, associations, networks, and mid-sized businesses, with large-scale implementations including children’s and neighborhood parliaments in India. When practiced with discipline and commitment, sociocracy can radically shift organizational power dynamics toward equality and collaboration, though superficial adoption risks replicating inherited hierarchies. Its adaptability and emphasis on peer governance make it a powerful framework for building resilient, participatory organizations. +
Terms like Stokvels (South Africa), Susu (Ghana), and Mukando (Zimbabwe) as forms of Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) that have long provided financial resilience in African communities. Far more than informal savings clubs, these associations embody the philosophy of Ubuntu, emphasizing reciprocity, solidarity, and collective vitality. Historically rooted in women’s cooperatives, they have supported farming, education, health care, social obligations, and small-scale entrepreneurship, while also strengthening collective bargaining power and food security. Their adaptability is evident in the wide variety of stokvels in South Africa and in the integration of susu collectors with formal banking in Ghana, bridging informal and formal economies. By pooling risks and resources, these groups function as community safety nets that empower women, build resilience, and sustain livelihoods. As they expand and interact with financial institutions, questions arise about how to preserve their community-driven ethos while scaling their transformative potential. +
T
Rooted in ancestral belief systems, customary institutions, and livelihood practices, Ta Madok Maka underpins Karen cultural life through acts of solidarity, empathy, and collective care. It extends beyond human-to-human relationships to encompass balanced and harmonious coexistence with sacred lands, waters, forests, wildlife, and guardian spirits, reinforced by complementary values such as Ta Kwamoo Kwakheh Hlotha (“caring for each other for collective survival and wellbeing”). This principle is expressed in rotational farming, cultural ceremonies like Lar Ku Ki Sue, and the protection of spiritual territories such as Day Por Htu (umbilical cord forests) and Htee Meh K’lar (water mirrors), which integrate ecological stewardship with spiritual obligations.
However, decades of colonial-capitalist exploitation, state militarization, and land dispossession in Burma/Myanmar have eroded Karen cultural identity, governance systems, and environmental stewardship practices, threatening the continuity of Ta Madok Maka. Revitalizing this practice is seen as an emancipatory pathway to reclaim ancestral territorial rights, restore cooperative and autonomous governance systems, and resist systems of competition, greed, and cultural domination. Comparable to global Indigenous and non-Western traditions of reciprocity—such as ubuntu (South Africa), Mino-bimaadiziwin (Anishinaabe), and ayni (Quechua)—Ta Madok Maka offers a transformative, justice-oriented framework for mutual aid and sustainability. It has the potential to inspire broader movements toward equitable, peaceful, and ecologically balanced futures worldwide. +
Timuay refers to a traditional governance system of the Teduray and Lambangian peoples in Mindanao, Philippines, highlighting its communal, collective, and pluralist foundations. Rooted in the term timu—to gather—the Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG) system embodies Indigenous philosophies of relationality, equality, and peace through collective leadership, community participation, and stewardship of nature. The article traces its historical resilience against colonial and state suppression, its clandestine survival during conflicts, and its revival through Indigenous movements and legal recognition under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA). Confronting the erosion of communal values under capitalism, TJG emerges as both a critique of individualist, profit-oriented systems and a living alternative grounded in communal ownership, ecological guardianship, and pluralism. By restoring and strengthening Timuay practices, the article argues, Indigenous communities not only reclaim self-determination but also offer a vital vision of justice and sustainability for contemporary society. +
U
Ubuntu is a radical Afrikan philosophy and cosmology that conceives personhood not as an individual attribute but as a condition realized through moral, spiritual, and communal relationships. It affirms that being human means living in reciprocity, dignity, and accountability within a shared order of justice, care, and restoration. Rooted in ancestral, ecological, and relational ethics, Ubuntu locates humanity within an interdependent web that includes land, ancestors, and the cosmos. It is not a liberal ideal of harmony or interdependence but a decolonial ontology of being that resists domination and reclaims Afrikan epistemologies of balance and liberation. Ubuntu insists that justice and community are inseparable, and that genuine personhood requires restoring right relations disrupted by colonialism, patriarchy, and racial capitalism. As such, it offers both a philosophy of ethical life and a revolutionary framework for rebuilding collective futures grounded in Afrikan cosmological and moral principles. +
V
Ivan Illich’s concept of vernacular values challenges the economic logic of scarcity by emphasizing autonomous, non-market activities that sustain livelihoods outside bureaucratic and commercial structures. As the formal economy expands, so does shadow work, fostering dependency and eroding self-sufficiency, a process Illich describes as a "war on subsistence." This erosion leads to "radical monopolies," where basic human activities—learning, healing, mobility, and housing—become institutionalized and commodified. Illich critiques modernity’s universalizing mission, arguing that the imposition of economic rationality, development paradigms, and standardized languages perpetuates colonial domination. Rather than seeking inclusion within economic systems, he advocates for reclaiming vernacular values as a means to resist commodification and rediscover autonomous ways of living. The case of the Acapatzingo community in Mexico City illustrates this reclaiming process through self-management, voluntary community work, and collective decision-making. Inspired by Zapatista principles, the community has built autonomous systems for housing, education, health, food production, and energy, reducing dependence on state and market institutions. Their struggle represents a radical rejection of imposed precarity and a reaffirmation of the right to inhabit and self-govern. Illich’s vision thus calls for a reimagining of subsistence beyond economic dependency, fostering conviviality, mutual aid, and the recovery of communal autonomy against the monopolization of everyday life. +